By James E. Lindemann
A dating among the disciplines of psychology and drugs is clear in writings from the beginnings of recorded historical past. This inter motion used to be characterised in a few epochs through mutual curiosity and aid, basically to be by means of classes of relative disinterest. prior to now century there were numerous formal makes an attempt to recognize this interdependence and to restore and codify on a extra everlasting foundation the operating relationships among practitioners and scientists from either psychology and medication. those twentieth-century waves of curiosity, that have additionally come and long past, were pointed out by way of such names as psychosomatic drugs and rehabilitation psychology. For quite a few purposes, particularly the shortcoming of a enough wisdom base in both disci pline, the specified partnership has no longer come to complete flower. This scenario looks altering as we input the final 20 years of the 20th century. within the American Psychologist in September, 1980, I reviewed fresh advancements in psychology and in medication and in federal and personal investment styles, which provide proof of revitalizing this partnership among those disciplines and their appropriate subspecialties. For ex considerable, after six a long time of striking biomedical medical advances that have all yet eliminated such life-threatening ailments as polio myelitis and tuberculosis, leaders in drugs, the behavioral sciences, and different segments of society reached a consensus in the course of the Nineteen Seventies that the habit of the person is one among modern unexplored frontiers for contemporary scientific perform and similar solid future health care.
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Additional info for Psychological and Behavioral Aspects of Physical Disability: A Manual for Health Practitioners
Example text
Blandness in the lives of the physically disabled is a problem which has received little notice or attention. Kessler (1977) has observed that boredom may provoke misbehavior in some handicapped children and that life should have some novelty. Similarly, Goldman (1978) advocates programming risk (and novelty) into the lives of the adult disabled. Choice of the safe and conservative seems to permeate the thinking of 10 CHAPTER 1 disabled and normal alike. Haring and Myerson (1979) report that even among presumably liberated college students, 46% disapprove of "a crippled woman's" use of contraceptives, although only 11 % disapproved of their general use.
These were (a) personal involvement and emotional neutrality, (b) hope and reality, and (c) independence and dependence. The latter two have been discussed earlier in this chapter, with conclusions that may be summarized as follows: (1) Unrealistic hopes should not be specifically endorsed (do not lie to the patient), but it is not necessary to confront these aspirations if they do not interfere with progress toward realistic goals. (2) It is better to err in the direction of expecting or demanding slightly too much independence than to err in the opposite direction.
Dress and toilet self. Eat independently. Eat in a public place (restaurant). Choose one's own diet. Learn to cook, do laundry, manage money. 2. Self-responsibility. Be alone for extended hours during the day. Stay away from home overnight-with relatives, with friends, at camp. 16 CHAPTER 1 3. Mobility. Go about the neighborhood alone. Ride a bus or other public transportation. Drive a car. 4. Social. Use appropriate verbal social behavior-hello, good-bye, please, and thank you. Give eye contact.