By Brian Graham
Looking for eire argues that Ireland's political difficulties are created through conflicts and confusions of id. It brings jointly a few special individuals, each one of whom examines a selected element of Ireland's assorted cultural geography and historical past. concerns lined contain: the altering definitions of Irishness the jobs of sophistication and gender in developing conventional alignments of identification the position of ethnicity in Irish society the discovery and imagining of Irish 'place' the political implications of a pluralistic eire The individuals show that many folks either in and out of eire proceed to outline themselves and their conflicts via uncomplicated sectarian stereotypes. The authors argue that politicians and others needs to reject those superseded either/or representations and accommodate as an alternative the fluidity of Irish id. James Anderson, college of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne S.J. Connolly, Queens's college, Belfast Neville Douglas, Queen's collage, Belfast Brian Graham, collage of Ulste
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Extra info for In Search of Ireland: A Cultural Geography
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In 1911, 62 per cent of the 577,000 Anglican or Episcopalian population of the island lived in the province of Ulster. Almost all of the 444,000 Presbyterians lived in the same nine counties. The Ulster ethos was predominantly Presbyterian, industrialisation accentuating this pattern 38 A PLURALITY OF IRELANDS ‘since it was the Presbyterians who were most strongly represented among the citizens who built the docks, shipyards and linen mills on which Belfast rose to its precarious prosperity’ (Lyons 1979:24–5).
SMYTH administration and—in some cases—their own regional legal codes as well. Thus while the decline of centralised English control in Ireland was one ultimate outcome of the Anglo-Norman era, it was more than matched by the localisation of authority into individual lordships. It was these entities, displaying little obedience to Dublin and London administrations alike, that the Tudor administration of a modernising and centralised English state set out to shatter after 1530. Turning to the long-term cultural impact of the Anglo-Norman colonisation, late medieval Ireland was clearly divided into a diversity of regions marked by the naming and names of places and people.
Attempts to create a political movement which would have integrated ‘Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter’ in a reconstituted and more democratic Irish parliament ended with the Act of Union, which became law on 1 January 1801. Afterwards, direct London-based state intervention in Irish affairs became a dominant feature of Irish life. The creation of island-wide police and national school systems, the establishment of networks of dispensaries, asylums, jails and poor law union workhouses, were all evidence of the state’s attempts at social control in the nineteenth century—processes which often involved the main churches (including the Catholic) as allies in this most turbulent of centuries.