By Jose R Oliver
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Extra resources for Caciques and Cemí Idols: The Web Spun by Taino Rulers Between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico (Caribbean Archaeology and Ethnohistory)
D. 400) sites throughout the Lesser Antilles, not just Puerto Rico. , Hope Estate-1 in St. Martin, Morel-1 in Guadeloupe [see Hofman and Hoogland 1999]), which Rouse grudgingly and incorrectly grouped in a Huecan Saladoid subseries, have yet to yield three-pointed artifacts. Again this points to significant differences in how the Huecoid and Cedrosan Saladoid interacted with the Archaic groups. The La Hueca–related artisans adopted Archaic protocols of lithic reduction, whereas the Cedrosan Saladoid adopted an artifact that would become one of the most ubiquitous religious icons of the Greater Antilles.
The differences in lithic technology between the Saladoid and Huecoid point to significant differences in how these populations interacted with the contemporaneous Archaic populations. The La Hueca culture, first found on Vieques Island, presented a serious problem to the cultural-chronological edifice erected by Rouse (Chanlatte Baik and Narganes Storde 1984; see Oliver 1999 for a detailed appraisal). In essence, Rouse interpreted La Hueca and other related complexes (mainly Punta Candelero on Puerto Rico, Hope Estate-1 in St.
The issue of how much Taínoness is needed to be identified as being and becoming Taínoan (as a material object or as a person, social group, and further up the scale) is a matter of identity formation and social relations and of what is available in the reservoir of ideas, materials, and practices that can be co-opted for various ends that are, of course, historically contingent. Philip Leis (2002) and others (Anderson and Peek 2002) have dealt with precisely the same issues when examining the plurality of peoples and ethnicities of the Niger Delta in western Africa, especially in relation to art and iconography.