By Joel Beinin, Frédéric Vairel
The center East and North Africa became locations that nearly all people "knows" whatever approximately. Too usually written off as culturally outlined via Islam, strongly anti-Western, and uniquely liable to irrational political radicalism, authoritarianism, and terrorism—these areas are not often regarded as websites of social and political mobilization. even if, this new quantity unearths a wealthy array of mobilizations that neither lead inexorably towards democratization nor degenerate into violence.These case stories of Morocco, Egypt, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey are encouraged through social stream concept, but in addition critique and extend the horizons of the theory's classical options of political chance constructions, collective motion frames, mobilization buildings, and repertoires of competition via extensive fieldwork. This robust empirical base makes it possible for a nuanced figuring out of contexts, culturally conditioned rationality, the strengths and weaknesses of neighborhood networks, and innovation in contentious motion in a zone the place, except for Turkey, there has been little signal of broad-based routine for democratization until eventually the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings of 2010-11.
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Extra resources for Social Movements, Mobilization, and Contestation in the Middle East and North Africa (Stanford Studies in Middle Eastern and I)
Sample text
The group stabilized after a year and met regularly i n a rented rest house i n the outskirts o f Riyadh. Fahd was the youngest member o f the group, one o f the last to have j o i n e d i t and one o f the least qualified too. Despite t h i s — o r because o f i t — h e was extremely active: he collected the m o n t h l y rent, organized meals and f i l m shows, sent reminders, and recycled his activist k n o w h o w i n the management o f the weekly activities o f the group. The discovery o f cinema was a t u r n i n g p o i n t i n his existence; after he dropped o u t o f college and had t w o car accidents, Fahd f o u n d a couple o f jobs, first w i t h a publisher o f schoolbooks then w i t h a company selling Islamic cell phones.
I t has probably most fatigue. This m i g h t be because the POS model focuses more o n the origins o f harshly affected the left, perhaps because the Marxist left has never attracted contention rather than o n its later phases ( M c A d a m , Tarrow, and Tilley 2001, a large n u m b e r o f Egyptians. Its marginal status is precisely the reason I have 41). For example, according to Taylor, w h o analyzes abeyance structures that chosen to focus here o n this category, b u t w i t h the a i m o f p r o v i d i n g a heuris- absorb "intensely c o m m i t t e d " individuals, external constraints affect mobiliza- tic for understanding collective and individual relationships to political activ- t i o n structures, b u t actors' relationship to activism remains linear and constant.
I t was something nobody could imagine at the Muslim Brother friends] speaks to a nationalist, the nationalist w i l l say, "This guy I mean, when Nasir [one of Yahya's beginning, and yet they were able to make history. " But i f he speaks to a Salafi, the Salafi a negative one. " influence on me. It may even have had an influence on me for the elections. [... ] Cromwell showed me that this was the way I had to follow. The way that leads to democracy, too. As we say here: God helps those who help themselves [Ibda' wa'l-baqi 'ala Allah].