By Tina Harris
Operating on the intersections of cultural anthropology, human geography, and fabric tradition, Tina Harris explores the social and monetary modifications occurring alongside one alternate course that winds its method throughout China, Nepal, Tibet, and India.
How may perhaps we make connections among likely mundane everyday life and extra summary degrees of world switch? Geographical Diversions specializes in generations of investors who alternate items similar to sheep wool, pang gdan aprons, and extra lately, family home equipment. Exploring how investors "make places," Harris examines the construction of geographies of exchange that paintings opposed to kingdom principles of what alternate routes may still seem like. She argues that the tensions among the plain fixity of nationwide limitations and the mobility of neighborhood participants round such regulations are accurately how routes and histories of alternate are produced.
The financial upward push of China and India has acquired realization from the overseas media, however the results of significant new infrastructure on the intersecting borderlands of those nationstates―in areas like Tibet, northern India, and Nepal―have hardly been lined. Geographical Diversions demanding situations globalization theories in keeping with bounded conceptions of geographical regions and provides a smaller-scale point of view that differs from many theories of macroscale monetary swap.
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Extra resources for Geographical Diversions: Tibetan Trade, Global Transactions
Sample text
These kinds of things are actually looked down upon, and they are not valued as a sort of occupation. But, they are obviously businesspeople and are very actively involved in social aspects. But here, they are looked down, and these people are sometimes segregated out here. But trading happens, regardless of who you are! You gotta eat meat, so you still have to go out and find these people. , “shuttlers,” who travel with their goods, and “trader-retailers,” who have the money to purchase a small shop in addition to their trading activities; Humphrey 1999: 37–38).
These communities have developed along considerably different social and political lines from the majority of Tibetans who still reside in the tar, as well as from those who live in other Tibetan-speaking communities in China. Yet there remains a tendency for scholars to base their knowledge of “Tibetans” on research in a single community. Though this tendency partly results from heavy restrictions on research in the Himalayan region, it need not be a given. I hope I might provide a bit of a corrective by highlighting the cultural and political specificities of the region’s varied communities while at the same time acknowledging the importance of transnational social and economic networks, the territorial and economic struggles taking place in communities on both sides of the Sino-Indian border, and the politically charged meanings of the term nationalist, sometimes used as synonymous with separatist in the tar.
List of commodity prices in the Tibet Mirror, November 24, 1956. Tharchin Collection, Columbia University Libraries. for men in several South Asian languages). His newspaper had a small but far-reaching distribution, selling approximately 200–500 copies from Amdo (northern Tibet) to Assam (northeastern India) until 1963. It was transported by the same mule caravans that carried the yak tails and musk listed in the clipping above and was disseminated to medium- and large-scale merchants, traders, and intellectuals living in the towns dotted along the trade routes (Fader 2002: 282).