By Souad Dajani
Considering that Israel's profession of the West financial institution and Gaza Strip in 1967, the hunt for simply and lasting peace has been a fountainhead of dialogue, negotiation, and violent friction. Souad Dajani strains the Palestinians' fight and argues for a method of nonviolent civilian resistance in accordance with deterrence and safeguard. This method might defeat Israel's political will to keep up their career and get ready Palestinians for a time past the period in-between interval of self-rule agreed upon by way of Israel and the PLO in September 1992. Dajani's formula of nonviolent civilian resistance is tested opposed to a backdrop of early advancements in Mandate Palestine, the effect of Zionist ideology, and the realities of lifestyles for Palestinians below profession. Her evaluate of the position of the PLO, goals of the Palestinian nationwide circulation, advancements because the Gulf struggle, and different elements the most important to an efficient process increases serious questions surrounding the operation of nonviolent thoughts for the Palestinian neighborhood, Israeli politics, and overseas actors, such a lot prominently the us. writer observe: Souad R. Dajani is Assistant Professor of Sociology at Antioch university, Ohio.
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Since the basic agreements over self-rule do not envision any major Israeli withdrawal except as its forces may be redeployed away from populated Page xiii Palestinian areas, occupation remains intact. During this stage, therefore, a civilian resistance strategy that targets this occupation remains feasible and highly relevant. Afterward, especially if negotiations do not achieve the outcomes Palestinians desire, the structures of the interim arrangements may become such that they are institutionalized into full autonomy, and thus irreversible.
I was pursuing my research on Palestinian nonviolent civilian resistance to Israeli occupation. The intifada, the civilian uprising of Palestinians in the Occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, seemed like a vindication of the direction my work was taking. I was studying a region where the language of force prevailed and where people reacted very skeptically to the notion that "nonviolence" could wield any kind of effective power. As the intifada escalated, so did my commitment to investigate this mode of civilian struggle.
Palestinians would likely give Arafat the benefit of the doubt and await the fulfillment of his promises, both for immediate economic succor and for eventual liberation. Meantime, the Palestinians living under occupation would be sorting out their relations with the entity that rules them and keeping a close watch on the progress of their leaders. They would need to be alert to the pitfalls of pacification, lest they wake up, some five years down the line, and find themselves in a state of permanent autonomy in which the chance for total independence has been lost and the opportunity to regain it foreclosed.