By Bianca Devos, Christoph Werner
Tradition and Cultural Politics less than Reza Shah offers a suite of cutting edge study at the interplay of tradition and politics accompanying the lively modernization programme of the 1st Pahlavi ruler. studying a vast spectrum of this multifaceted interplay it makes a huge contribution to the cultural background of the Twenties and Thirties in Iran, while, lower than the rule of thumb of Reza Shah Pahlavi, dramatic adjustments happened within Iranian society. With detailed connection with the sensible implementation of particular reform endeavours, some of the contributions severely study diversified points of the connection among cultural politics, person reformers and the typical lifetime of modernist Iranians.
Interpreting tradition in its broadest feel, this publication brings jointly contributions from varied disciplines comparable to literary background, social heritage, ethnomusicology, paintings heritage, and heart jap politics. during this method, it combines for the 1st time the cultural heritage of Iran’s modernity with the politics of the Reza Shah period.
Challenging a restricted realizing of authoritarian rule below Reza Shah, this e-book is an invaluable contribution to current literature for college students and students of center jap background, Iranian historical past and Iranian tradition.
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Extra info for Culture and Cultural Politics Under Reza Shah: The Pahlavi State, New Bourgeoisie and the Creation of a Modern Society in Iran
At the same time these texts are samples of a speciﬁc stage of the language and play a role in both correcting and updating the collective cultural memory. The discussion of Persian language, its state and practice, forms the heart of Bahar’s study. 47 The linguistic question pertained not only to the unity of Iran as a multi-ethnic and multi-lingual country but at the same time to the restoration of Persian as a symbol of the nation’s identity and independence. Bahar does not stand apart from the chorus of voices that consider the status of the national language an indicator of the nation’s state.
13 Born into a learned family in Mashhad – already his father, Mirza Mohammad Kazem Saburi, bore the title of Malek al-Sho‘ara (“King of Poets”) at the Shrine of Imam Reza, a title which was later transferred to Mohammad Taqi Bahar – he became actively involved in politics as a fervent supporter of the Constitutional Revolution. From this time onwards, literature and politics formed an indissoluble unity in his life. In both his political and his literary life, Bahar was extremely active, and the experiences he had as a result of his activities from time to time verged on the dramatic.
66 According to Bahar, the main incentive for the movement (which he describes mainly as a political one) rests in the false politics of the Umayyad caliphs, who promoted the arrogant behavior and ignorant rule of the Arab governors in the region. 67 He seems to consider the phenomenon to be rooted in social psychology rather than in the longing for national identity. In Sabk-shenasi, Bahar puts forward a similar characterization of the Sho‘ubiyeh: It was because of [ … ] the self-importance and arrogance that some individuals within the Arab tribes displayed towards others and sometimes [also] towards Arabs of lesser origin [ … ] that a group rose up among the Arabs and the non-Arab muslims.