By Joann Cleland
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Extra resources for ¿Como llegara? (How Will It Get There?)
G. ´watch maker), and [attribute + head] structures which originate in the syntax and are right-stressed (e. g. steel ´bridge). Those constructions which, in spite of being fore-stressed, are [attribute + head] constructions (e. g. ´orange juice), then, can finally be explained as the result of a lexicalisation process, where this process may have been accompanied by a gradual loss of syntactic characteristics that identify an N+N structure as a syntactic construct. 1. 51 Plag (2006: 145–146), though, has reviewed this assumption, and maintains that the variability of stress assignment in N+N structures depends on the combination of structural, semantic and analogical features.
G. woman ´doctor). When the first constituent is acting as either a locative or temporal modifier (e. g. hotel ´room, August ´contest). (iii) When the first constituent denotes the material out of which something is made (e. g. silk ´dress). (iv) When a predicative relation is established (e. g. key ´word). As can be appreciated, these structures are based on the compound external relations of coordination and modification (Olsen, 2000a: 62). However, despite differences of stress and interpretation, Olsen is of the opinion that these differences are not enough to be considered indicative of a change in structure.
G. wood ´bridge). However, Plag raises the following question: why are all forms not phrases, since they all have the same superficial structure? Furthermore, if the stress pattern of N+N constructions were as Giegerich (2004) claimed, then all novel [attribute + head] structures should receive right-hand stress to begin with; this is not always the case, though, and attributive N+N structures with lefthand stress can indeed be found (e. g. ´chocolate cake). As a consequence, further opinions as to a convincing explanation of stress variability need to be taken into account.