By Arthur I. Cyr (auth.)
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Steady Republican Congressional gains, and sometime control of the Sen ate, was followed by majorities in both houses of the Congress in 1994. Both Carter and President Bill Clinton qualify as comparatively conserva tive Democrats, neither associated with FDR–Truman–LBJ style expan sive government. I. Cyr, After the Cold War © Arthur I. Cyr 1997 2000 A Reagan Revolution? 31 either administration, was stymied almost from the beginning. Goldwater should feel a strong sense of personal satisfaction and vindication in rep resenting the vanguard of change in American politics, a very appropriate state of mind for a senior political figure – or anyone.
If the destructive nationalism of an earlier period was a principal reason – indeed the key reason – for forming the Community of the Six in the mid-1950s, more traditional calculations of power and influence among states that fuelled European diplomacy his torically has re-emerged, though this time so far thankfully mainly in economic rather than military terms. Likewise the Nato Alliance is undergoing important change. Although US Secretary of State Warren Christopher stated early in the Clinton administration that expansion of the Alliance membership was probably on balance not desirable, Nato Secretary-General Manfred Woerner never theless at approximately the same time began the process of bringing the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland into the fold of the organization.
9 Third, though Carter’s defeat was by no means guaranteed, his vulner ability was apparent, both abroad and at home, and Reagan was extremely skillful at exploiting the general portrait of weakness associated with the Democratic incumbent. The long-term, enervating Iran hostage crisis had become a personal fixation with Carter, a demon he kept holding aloft, in full public view. The situation played out longer than might have been the case had Carter been able to distance himself emotionally and the events clearly benefited Reagan’s campaign.