By Richard Horsey
The overseas Labour Organization’s (ILO) efforts because the early Nineties to handle the compelled labour state of affairs in Myanmar characterize a unprecedented instance of luck in influencing the behaviour of that regime, and this booklet offers a first-hand account of those efforts.
As the ILO’s consultant within the nation, the writer used to be in a position to function a grievance procedure for sufferers of pressured labour, leading to prosecutions of presidency officers and an finish to many abuses. as well as giving a desirable insider’s account of ways this was once accomplished, and the numerous demanding situations encountered, the publication examines intimately why essentially the most repressive army regimes allowed the ILO to function a proceedings mechanism within the first position, and why it felt the necessity to take motion in line with a few of these court cases.
This e-book will make an important contribution to pondering on tips on how to impact authoritarian regimes, in addition to knowing the dynamic of relatives with Myanmar. As such it truly is an important learn for students of diplomacy and worldwide governance, human rights, overseas legislations and Southeast Asian studies.
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Additional resources for Ending Forced Labour in Myanmar: Engaging a Pariah Regime
Example text
59 Its conclusions on the facts of the case were damning, including the following: There is abundant evidence before the Commission showing the pervasive use of forced labour imposed on the civilian population throughout Myanmar by the authorities and the military for portering, the construction, maintenance and servicing of military camps, other work in support of the military, work on agriculture, logging and other production projects undertaken by the authorities or the military, sometimes for the profit of private individuals, the construction and maintenance of roads, railways and bridges, other infrastructure work and a range of other tasks, none of which comes under any of the exceptions listed in Article 2(2) of the Convention.
Later experience would suggest that this assessment was overly pessimistic. This raises the question of whether a less antagonistic approach from the Commission would have made it easier for the government to make some concessions to the ILO once it did begin to engage on the issue, or whether that engagement might have come sooner. It is difficult to come to a conclusive answer. Subsequent experience indicated that Myanmar tended to make concessions when it felt The Commission of Inquiryâ•… 31 that these were necessary to avoid some undesirable consequence.
This approach would be continued by Juan Somavia, who took over as Â�Director-Â�General in March 1999. As will be discussed later, it was to become a very important aspect of the ILO’s approach in dealing with Myanmar in the following years. The March 1999 Governing Body requested the Â�Director-Â�General to provide a detailed written report by 21 May (that is, after the Commission’s deadline for the amendment of legislation) on action taken by Myanmar. But it was abundantly clear that little concrete progress could be expected, and the Governing Body Enforcement effortsâ•… 33 decided at this point to put an item on the agenda for its next substantive session (November 1999) entitled ‘Measures, including recommendations under Article 33 of the ILO Constitution, to secure compliance by the Government of Myanmar with the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry’.