By Jordan Stanger-Ross
Regardless of their dual positions as of North America’s such a lot iconic Italian neighborhoods, South Philly and Toronto’s Little Italy have functioned in dramatically alternative ways considering that international warfare II. Inviting readers into the church buildings, houses, and companies on the middle of those groups, Staying Italian unearths that day-by-day adventure in each one enclave created particular, but nonetheless Italian, ethnicities. As Philadelphia struggled with deindustrialization, Jordan Stanger-Ross exhibits, Italian ethnicity in South Philly remained heavily associated with retaining turf and staining limitations. Toronto’s thriving Little Italy, nonetheless, drew Italians jointly from around the wider area. those precise ethnic enclaves, Stanger-Ross argues, have been formed through each one city’s reaction to suburbanization, segregation, and fiscal restructuring. via situating malleable ethnic bonds within the context of political economic climate and racial dynamics, he bargains a clean viewpoint at the strength of neighborhood environments to form person identities and social adventure.
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Additional resources for Staying Italian: Urban Change and Ethnic Life in Postwar Toronto and Philadelphia (Historical Studies of Urban America)
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St. Thomas highlights another necessary feature of neighborhood: boundaries. The internal division of the parish reflected the wider boundaries of South Philadelphia: the Italians in its CHAPTER ONE 26 Italian Population of Annunciation and Eastern St. Thomas Parish, Philadelphia 1960–1990. There is no perfect variable for consideration across all of these census years. In 1960 and 1970, I report “Foreign Stock,” a category that includes people of foreign birth as well as people of native birth with foreign-born parents.
In 1971, as Italian immigration to Canada subsided, more than 730,000 Canadians reported Italian ethnic origins and more than a third of them lived in metropolitan Toronto (fig. 73 The timing of Italian immigration, like broader urban development, differentiates the two case studies that follow. By contrast to South Philadelphia, recent arrivals predominate in the story of Toronto’s Little CHAPTER ONE 30 Italy after World War II. Italian-language newspapers, radio, and ultimately television kept immigrants abreast of national and local developments in Italy.
In the second half of the twentieth century, Philadelphia grew increasingly divided. Like other American cities suffering the brunt of industrial decline, the city divided on racial grounds. Racial segregation resulted from developments common to cities across the United States. 35 Many Philadelphians had a hand in the residential divide. Real estate agents and brokers sought to profitably navigate the city’s racial fissure by alternately policing its boundaries and benefiting from its breakdown. Agents from the Commission on Human Relations, created in 1951 to monitor and enforce antidiscrimination laws in housing and employment, found that more than half of the city’s brokers and agents either refused African American clients outright, quoted them exorbi- CITIES APART 17 tant prices in predominantly white areas, or directed them only towards listings in areas already predominantly inhabited by African Americans.