By C. C. Harris (Eds.)
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Example text
It is, therefore, possible to represent the kindred diagrammatically as four interlocking pyramids of cognatic descent. But this kind of abstraction bears no relation to the mental image which a Sarakatsanos forms of his kindred, in which relations are conceived in terms of extension from the family of origin, not descent from a common ancestor. There is mutual affection and moral obligation between my second cousin and myself because my grandparent and his grand parent were siblings rather than because we are both descendants of common great grandparents.
T h e openness of the family is here quite clearly related to the degree of closure of the community—the extent to which it lacks links with the world "outside". By a n " o p e n society", Ponsioen appears to be referring to a society composed of localities which are not isolated from each other, physically, culturally, or socially. But it is quite clear t h a t by an open society Ponsioen means more t h a n this. T h e open society is quite clearly highly differentiated, b u t in the sense that it is constituted by a large n u m b e r of specialized institutions which exercise the co-ordination of co-operative activities once the preserve of the family group, a n d also in the sense that it is com posed of groups with different beliefs, values, a n d attitudes a n d possesses a highly differentiated stratification system.
But the paternal or maternal origin of the relationship neither increases nor diminishes the obligation to support a kinsman in this or any other situation. Property and prestige are passed from one generation to the next according to customary rules of inheritance in the one case, and canons of popular judgement in the other, which reflect the symmetry of an individual's relations to the families of origin of his father and mother. Property is itself an element in prestige, 7 This is Lloyd Warner's familiar distinction between the family of orientation and the family of procreation.