By Kelly Ray Knight
For the addicted, pregnant, and negative girls residing in daily-rent resorts in San Francisco's project district, existence is marked by way of battles opposed to drug cravings, housing debt, and capability violence. during this lovely ethnography Kelly Ray Knight offers those girls in all their advanced humanity and asks what forms of futures are attainable for them given their probably hopeless state of affairs. in the course of her 4 years of fieldwork Knight documented women’s struggles as they traveled from the road to the health facility, prison, and kin court docket, and again to the motels. She ways addicted being pregnant as a regular phenomenon in those women's lives and describes how they need to navigate the stress among pregnancy's calls for to stick fresh and the pull of dependancy and poverty towards drug use and intercourse paintings. through developing the gap for addicted women's personal narratives and reading addicted being pregnant from scientific, coverage, and social technology views, Knight forces us to confront and think again the methods we predict approximately dependancy, trauma, overall healthiness, illegal activity, and accountability.
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Example text
She tells me after he has left, and we close her door. “He sneaks back [into the hotel], because he is eighty-sixed [barred from renting a room]. I try and be nice, but that ain’t cool! [masturbating in her room],” she says, exasperated. 36 CHAPTER ONE Materiality here is piled up in hotel rooms, the conditions of which are largely invisible to the intersecting social worlds that operate in public, just one floor below. Everyday “stuff ” is also necessarily mobile, as women must drag possessions and necessities from daily-rent hotel to daily-rent hotel because they are perpetually displaced.
That isn’t a good feeling. ” “Get back on Section 8. Get something better for myself. I would like for Michael and I to go together, because he is scared too. Oh. ” Alexandra got up immediately to get a tray of food before it was all gone. Alexandra raised several important concerns. First, she alerted me to the difficulty of marking the boundaries between research, care, and intervention in sites of social suffering. She helped me, early on in my fieldwork, identify the complex social and power relations that would develop between myself and the women.
Whether biological mechanisms or social-psychological histories are evoked to explain addiction, the path from pregnancy to mothering a child ultimately demands stability and abstinence. Neither the personal nor the social pathway to stability and abstinence was easily attainable for women in the daily-rent hotels. Risk was an organizing principle in the everyday lives of the daily-rent hotels, in how health and social service providers characterized women’s traumatized histories, in how epidemiological public health studies categorized their victimization.